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NSC-68 or National Security Council Report 68 was a 58 page
InceptionBy 1949, events had reinforced the need for better coordination of national security policy: NATO was formed, military assistance for Europe was begun, the Soviet Union detonated an atomic bomb, and the
Communists won control in China over the Nationalists. The Department of
State seized the opportunity to review U.S. strategic policy and military programs, overcoming opposition from
Secretary of Defense Louis
Johnson and his allies in the Bureau of the Budget. Initially sidestepping formal National Security Council (NSC) channels, State won approval of an ad hoc interdepartmental
committee under its Policy Planning head, Paul Nitze. Their report was NSC 68, begun in
February 1950 and concluded the following April.
The document outlined the de facto national security strategy of the United States for that time (though it was not an
official NSS in the form we know today) and analyzed the capabilities of the Soviet Union
and of the Content and meaningNSC-68 would make the case for a US military buildup to confront what it called an enemy "unlike previous aspirants to hegemony. .. animated by a new fanatic faith, antithetical to our own." The Soviet Union and the United States existed in a bi-polar world, in which the Soviets wished to "impose its absolute authority over the rest of the world." This would be a war of ideas in which "the idea of freedom under a government of laws, and the idea of slavery under the grim oligarchy of the "Kremlin" were pitted against each other. Therefore, the US as "the center of power in the free world," should build an international community in which American society would "survive and flourish" and pursue a policy of containment. The document drew from the writings of George F. Kennan, specifically the "long telegram" in 1946 and the X Article. Although Kennan's theory of containment articulated a multifaceted approach for American Foreign Policy to respond to a perceived Soviet threat, NSC-68 drew policies that emphasized military action over diplomatic or otherwise. Kennan's influential telegram advocated a policy of containment towards the Soviet Union. In NSC-68 it can be defined as "a policy of calculated and gradual coercion." That said, the NSC-68 called for significant peacetime military spending, in which the US possessed "superior overall power" and "in dependable combination with other like-minded nations." It calls for a military capable of:
This would cost, by its estimates, a significant portion, perhaps more than the 20% of GDP the United States was already committing. The specific costs were left to subsequent group in the NSC to analyze and budget. ReactionNSC-68 drew some criticism from those who believed the Cold War was being escalated unnecessarily. When the report was sent to top officials in the Truman administration for review before its official delivery to the President, many of them scoffed at its arguments. Willard Thorp questioned its contention that the "USSR is steadily reducing the discrepancy between its overall economic strength and that of the United States." Thorp argued, "I do not feel that this position is demonstrated, but rather the reverse. . . The actual gap is widening in our favor." He pointed out that in 1949 the US economy had increased twofold over that of the Soviet Union. Steel production in the US outpaced the Soviet Union by 2 million tons, and stockpiling of goods and oil production far exceeded Soviet amounts. As for Soviet military investment, Thorp was skeptical that the USSR was committing such large portion of its GDP: "I suspect a larger portion of Soviet investment went into housing." William Schaub of the Bureau of the Budget was particularly harsh, believing that "in every arena," the Air Force, the Army, the Navy, the stockpiling of atomic bombs, the economy, the US was far superior than the Soviet Union. Kennan, although "father" of the containment policy, also disagreed with the document, particularly its call for massive rearmament (FRUS, 1950, Vol. I). President Truman, even after the Soviets became a nuclear power, sought to curb military spending. However, he did not reject the recommendations of NSC-68 out of hand, instead returning it to circulation and asking for an estimate of the costs involved. In the ensuing two months little progress was made on the report. By June, Nitze had practically given up on it. But on June 25, 1950 North Korean forces had crossed the 38th parallel in their attempt to unify the two Koreas. [1]) With the Korean War begun, NSC-68 took on new importance. As Acheson later remarked: "Korea . . . created the stimulus which made action."[1] The Korean War led most Americans to conclude that the Soviet Union was indeed bent on world domination, and spurred the mobilization of significant resources to counter the perceived threat. Historical debateNSC-68 is a source of much historical debate as is the escalation of the Cold War. NSC-68 was an important part of an overall shift in American foreign policy to a comprehensive containment strategy that was confirmed by successive administrations. Thorough analysis of this shift can be found in the Cold War wiki-article and in the recommended books below. Analysis ranges from Michael Hogan's belief that NSC-68 portrayed the threat "in the worst light possible" to it providing an accurate picture of a genuine and growing threat. ConclusionThis document is critical to an understanding of the Cold War, its legacy on similar national security documents, such as the National Security Strategy March 2005, also provides insight on current US foreign policy. The implementation of NSC 68, although the proposal was initially refused shows to what extent it marked a 'shift' in US policy not only towards the USSR but indeed all other communist satellites. The signing of the document showed the clear defined and coherent US policy that to some extent did not exist until 1950 under the Truman administration. Furthermore it can be argued that this document proposed by the security council solved Truman's problem from attack from the right after the 'reds in the beds' scare and the Alger Hiss case. Although not made public it did show on the surface an increase in both conventional and nuclear capabilities of the USA, and indeed provided the USA with a greater financial burden. Sources
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